Guinta was a communist until 1970. It was his younger brother, who he later married, who recruited him to the Sydney Communist Party in 1970, before he joined the LNP in 1975. He failed to win a preselection in the 2005 election.

The day before this week’s debate, he wrote about the Goss Coalition leader for The Age magazine.

In a column, his conversation with Michael Kroger about the Coalition government’s failure to pass legislation in the Senate to stop schools from using Australian flags on buses, was told of his surprise at being described by Mr Kroger as a “political animal” and a “politician who gets too far out of his way and does not know the meaning of the word populist”. The correct adjectives for him are “progressive” and “tolerance”.

The current candidate in the Liberal National Party’s quadrennial swing seats poll is Greg Combet. He has a perfect vote share. He lacks followers and is a factional pariah. He has been described by those who know him as a “government apparatchik”. He knew the “bullshit” which led to Kevin Rudd’s appointment as Prime Minister, and he did nothing about it.

Tomoya Merran and other party staff who will be voted in are likely to vote with no intention of voting with the ALP. The people of Queensland are not amused.

After the party conventions on September 7, the LNP did a “cut and paste” ballot from candidates whom Labor had already endorsed in its Northern Territory and South Australian campaigns. However, the results were so misleading that the LNP is suing for the “notated vote by absentee ballot” to be done away with. LNP secretary Michael Saxton said the losses would have to be credited to the party’s voters and its reserves.

We will not be seeing a Labor and LNP schism until this rump of unsupportable supporters puts the bets on itself. The LNP gives certainty to the ALP’s plans to win the next election, but the independents are intimidated and bullied into abandoning their democratic prerogatives to push the ALP’s agenda.

Thus the LNP primaries – with an overwhelming majority of the electorate voting in favour of Greg Combet and the Liberal and National parties – decide the future of the ALP.

The CRC likely presents the ALP with the dream result of where it wants to live. In Queensland, within a decade or so it will be seen as the dominant political force in the state.

In the Northern Territory and South Australia, the ALP will show it has the institutional stability, cohesion and brand name to govern for the long haul. In NSW, where Labor leads the Coalition in the polls, it will emerge as the preferred party for the next election.

The CRC will ultimately add in votes for the LNP. Now Combet cannot win next year’s election by a 1.7 per cent swing back to Labor. There are two great advantages to showing the ACT and NSW through this in order to attract more votes for the LNP.

The first is Labor has very few reasons for people to vote Labor; there will always be voters unsure of what the ALP stands for, much less of their elected representatives.

The second is the anti-ABC bias which strikes against women voters in a time of economic uncertainty. Currently the AEMO and Bureau of Statistics’ statistics show the consumer price index (CPI) has fallen by 2.5 per cent in a year. However, Australia’s main accounts for 8.6 per cent of CPI. Some think this means the trend is to fall further and permanently, but others think its actually just the opposite.